I have been following this year’s presidential campaign with more than my usual amount of interest because a member of my church (and a friend of my brother and sister-in-law) is running for office. You may have heard about him—his name is Mitt Romney. Romney has run into some unique challenges during his run(s) for office that directly affect me—more on this later. So, while preparing for our class this week, a quote from this week’s readings caught my attention: “It is as if a dozen candidates . . . are running for the Presidency of an undiscovered country, looking for connections, for a nerve to touch, seeking a language” (McGee, 1975, p. 245). This could have been written yesterday about the current presidential campaign. It is to the point that news articles talk about the “not-Romney” Republican candidate of the week, as the various candidates attempt to reframe their position as they go from state to state seeking votes.
The questions of “Who is my audience?” and “How will my audience interpret my message?” have never been more important—nor have they been harder to define—than in this campaign. Our country is experiencing hard times, and our country’s leadership helps to determine the direction we take to overcome those hard times. What (or whose) vision do we want to follow? As McGee elaborated,
Each political myth presupposes a “people” who can legislate reality with their collective belief. So long as “the people” believe basic myths, there is unity and collective identity. When there is no fundamental belief, one senses a crisis which can only be met with a new rhetoric, a new mythology. (p. 245)
We have several streams of rhetoric wandering through the current political landscape. While it is an easy journalistic shorthand to refer to them as conservative and liberal (or red and blue), the reality falls into a much more complicated mix of opinion. For instance, one candidate, Ron Paul, proposes less government. Most would consider this conservative. However, many in the radical feminist movement are equally supportive of less government, because they feel the hegemonic practices of government interfere with the ability of individuals to exercise their freedom. Less government could also mean no border patrol (liberal), smaller military (liberal), lower taxes (conservative), and potentially no Department of Education (antithetical). Thus, McGee’s point that competitive relationships exist within each individual is born out within a single candidate’s position. There is no collective identity here—there is a confused mass of interwoven ideals that lead from a single position.
How is an audience supposed to respond to this confusion? This leads me to our Condit (1989) reading on polysemy. Basically, proponents of polysemy argue that audiences have the ability “to shape their own readings” (p. 103) of text and media. While Condit granted that it is possible for individuals to talk back to and create their own frames for understanding the media, she proposed that it is much more accurate to define this process as polyvalent responses to any given message, because different life experiences—and in particular, socio-education levels—affect the ability of any given individual to create a different shape to the normative message. So, while different interpretations may be possible, the reality is a wide range of possible interpretations, with most of them following the general “expected” response. Thus, she argued,
If the particular range of television’s textual polysemy excludes marginal group messages, and if oppositional reading requires comparatively oppressive quantities of work, then minority groups are indeed silenced, even as audiences, and therefore discriminated against in important ways. (p. 110)
Extrapolating from Condit’s argument to the question of how an audience is supposed to respond to the political posturing of our current candidates means that audiences will respond as they are expected to respond, because the political rhetoric is too complicated for the average voter to sort through. Thus, if the media presents a candidate as two-faced, that is how the average voter will judge that candidate. If the media finds someone who accuses a candidate of some crime, even if the candidate is subsequently exonerated, the average voter will only have heard about the initial accusation, and made a decision based on the initial sound-bite.
This is huge for Mitt Romney because the media wants to make something big out of his religious beliefs. While he wants to focus on his experience and leadership, the media is bound and determined to ratchet the “weirdness” of his personal beliefs into the national consciousness. I doubt his campaign team has recognized how significant this is, given Condit’s analysis. In other words, the Romney team (and those associated with the Mormon Church) are being targeted and marginalized by the media, because most voters will not engage in the amount of study it would take to overcome the anti-Mormon message currently being promoted by popular media. It is subtle, but very persistent.
It comes as no surprise then, to me, to see that while the Church claims its “I’m a Mormon” campaign is a-political, the media blitz corresponds directly with the Romney campaign because the anti-Mormon message goes well beyond this candidate’s effort. It hits at every person who claims membership in the Church—which is where I come in. It doesn’t take much effort to transfer that “weird” belief that a presidential candidate holds to the person who lives next door who you know goes to the same church in the same way that it didn’t take much effort to transfer the actions of a few terrorists to the much larger (and much more peaceful) Muslim community. Thus, another segment of the population becomes marginalized unless some effort is made to counteract that marginalization process. While The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has indicated a preference to be called by its full name, it has come to terms with embracing the more common “Mormon” terminology in order to educate a nation being targeted with anti- messages. So, to adopt a note from the campaign, my name is Karen Marie Hansen Morgan, I am a mother, doctorate student, writer, business analyst, farmer, musician, and I am a Mormon. (If I am weird, it’s probably because I’m a farmer.)
How we disenfranchise members of our society is something we need to become more aware of in order to counteract this type of marginalizing rhetoric. Regardless of one’s political position, if this training in critical rhetoric is to have use in “the real world” we need to focus our attention on those instances where the message is divisive. Letting a message sender “get away with it” means we contribute to the problem, and not to the solution. Attending to the rhetoric in the current political campaign is a good place to start.